Extracted from global Education Magazine
José María Barroso Tristán: You´re
considered as the father of a critical pedagogy. What is critical
pedagogy for you?
Henry Giroux: Actually, I am not the father of
critical pedagogy. While I may have played a prominent role in its development,
critical pedagogy emerged out of long series of educational struggles that
extend from the work of Paulo Freire in Brazil to the work on critical pedagogy
advanced by myself and Roger Simon, David Livingstone, and later Joe Kincheloe
in the 1970s and 1980s. Critical
pedagogy is a movement and an ongoing struggle taking place in a number of
different social formations and places. To argue that there is such a thing as
“the father of critical pedagogy” devalues those struggles and the collective
efforts that have been made to develop and build upon the diverse archives that
make up critical pedagogy in all of its different formations. As Roger Simon
once pointed out, the attempt to define a set of “founding fathers” for
critical pedagogy suggests that “an authentic version could somehow be found in
a patriarchal vanishing point.”
First, I
think it is best to think of critical pedagogy as an ongoing project instead of
a fixed set of references or prescriptive set of practices–put bluntly, it is
not a method. One way of thinking about critical pedagogy in these terms is to
think of it as both a way of understanding education as well as a way of highlighting
the performative nature of agency as an act of participating in shaping the
world in which we live. But I think the best place to begin to answer this
question is to recognize the distinction between a conservative notion of
teaching and the more progressive meaning of critical pedagogy. Teaching for
many conservatives is often treated simply as a set of strategies and skills to
use in order to teach prespecified subject matter. In this context, teaching
becomes synonymous with a method, technique, or the practice of a craft—like
skill training. On the other hand, critical pedagogy must be seen as a
political and moral project and not a technique. Pedagogy is always political
because it is connected to the acquisition of agency. As a political project,
critical pedagogy illuminates the relationships among knowledge,
authority, and power. It draws attention to questions concerning who has
control over the conditions for the production of knowledge, values, and
skills, and it illuminates how knowledge, identities, and authority are
constructed within particular sets of social relations. Similarly, it draws
attention to the fact that pedagogy is a deliberate attempt on the part of
educators to influence how and what knowledge and subjectivities are produced
within particular sets of social relations. Ethically, critical pedagogy
stresses the importance of understanding what actually happens in classrooms
and other educational settings by raising questions regarding what knowledge is
of most worth, in what direction should one desire, and what it means to know
something. Most importantly, it takes seriously what it means to understand the
relationship between how we learn and how we act as individual and social
agents; that is, it is
concerned with teaching students how not only to think but to come to grips
with a sense of individual and social responsibility, and what it means to be
responsible for one’s actions as part of a broader attempt to be an engaged
citizen who can expand and deepen the possibilities of democratic public
life. Finally, what has to be
acknowledged is that critical pedagogy is not about an a priori method
that simply can be applied regardless of context. It is the outcome of
particular struggles and is always related to the specificity of particular
contexts, students, communities, available resources, the histories that
students bring with them to the classroom, and the diverse experiences and
identities they inhabit.
JMBT: You
note that critical pedagogy “…draws attention to questions concerning who has
control over the conditions for the production of knowledge, values, and
skills, and it illuminates how knowledge, identities, and authority are
constructed within particular sets of social relations”. Who, actually, has
control over the production of knowledge?
HG: What this
questions registers is how do power, politics and knowledge connect in creating
the conditions for the production of knowledge, values, subjectivities, and
social relations in both the school and the classroom? While power is never
uniform either in its constellations or effects, it is true that within
particular historical formations some modes of power dominate over others and
often constrain the types of struggles and modes of governance involved in
decisions regarding what counts as knowledge. At the current moment, it is fair
to say that the dominant mode of power shaping what counts as knowledge takes
its cue from what can be called neoliberalism or what can be called unfettered
free-market capitalism. Market fundamentalism that not only trivializes
democratic values and public concerns, but also enshrines a rabid
individualism, an all-embracing quest for profits, and a social Darwinism in
which misfortune is seen as a weakness and a Hobbesian “war of all against all”
replaces any vestige of shared responsibilities or compassion for others. Free
market fundamentalists now wage a full-fledged attack on the social contract,
the welfare state, any notion of the common good, and those public spheres not
yet defined by commercial interests. Within neoliberal ideology, the market
becomes the template for organizing the rest of society. Everyone is now a
customer or client, and every relationship is ultimately judged in bottom-line,
cost-effective terms. Freedom is no longer about equality, social justice, or
the public welfare, but about the trade in goods, financial capital, and
commodities. The production of knowledge at the heart of this market driven
regime is a form of instrumental rationality that quantifies all forms of
meaning, privatizes social relations, dehistoricizes memory, and substitutes
training for education while reducing the obligations of citizenship to the act
of consuming. The production
of knowledge in schools today is instrumental, wedded to objective outcomes,
privatized, and is largely geared to produce consuming subjects. The organizational structures that
make such knowledge possible enact serious costs on any viable notion of
critical education and critical pedagogy. Teachers are deskilled, largely
reduced to teaching for the test, business culture organizes the governance
structures of schooling, knowledge is viewed as a commodity, and students are
treated reductively as both consumers and workers. Knowledge is the new privileged form of capital and
at least in the schools is increasing coming under the control of policies set
by the ultra-rich, religious fundamentalists, and major corporate elites.
JMBT: Your
opinion on an actual teacher´s development is very interesting. Can you further
explain the meaning of “Teachers are deskilled”?
HG: Since the
1980s, right wing and conservative educational theorists have both attacked
colleges of education and called for alternative routes to teacher
certification. They have emphasized the practical and experiential, seeking to
gut the critical nature of theory, pedagogy, and knowledge taught in colleges
of education as well as in public schools and university classrooms. In effect,
there is an attempt to deskill teaches by removing matters of conception from
implementation. Teachers are no longer asked to think critically, or to be
creative. On the contrary, they have been reduced to the keeper of methods,
implementers of an audit culture, and removed from assuming autonomy in their
classrooms. According to conservatives, the great sin teachers colleges have
committed in the past few decades is that they have focused too much on theory
and not enough on clinical practice—and by “theory,” they mean critical
pedagogy and other theories that enable prospective teachers to situate school
knowledge, practices, and modes of governance within wider historical, social,
cultural, economic, and political contexts. Conservatives want public schools
and colleges to focus on “practical” methods in order to prepare teachers for
an “outcome-based” education system, which is code for pedagogical methods that
are as anti-intellectual as they are politically conservative. This is a
pedagogy useful for creating armies of number crunchers and for downgrading
teachers to supervising the administration of standardized tests, but not much
more. Reducing
pedagogy to the teaching of methods and data-driven performance indicators that
allegedly measure scholastic ability and improve student achievement is nothing
short of scandalous. Rather than provide the best means for
confronting “difficult truths about the inequality of America’s political
economy,” such a pedagogy produces the swindle of “blaming inequalities on
individuals and groups with low test scores.” The conservative call for
practicality must be understood as an attempt to sabotage the forms of teacher
and student self-reflection required for a quality education, all the while
providing an excuse for a prolonged moral coma and flight from responsibility.
By espousing
empirically based standards as a fix for educational problems, advocates of
these measures do more than oversimplify complex issues. More crucially, this technocratic agenda also removes the classroom
from larger social, political, and economic forces, while offering
anti-intellectual and ethically debased technical and punitive solutions to
school and classroom problems. In addition, the insistence on
banishing theory from teacher education programs, if not classrooms in general,
while promoting narrowly defined skills and practices is a precursor to
positioning teachers as a subaltern class that believes the only purpose of
education is to train students to compete successfully in a global economy. The
model of teaching being celebrated here is one in which teachers are
constructed as clerks and technicians who have no need for a public vision in
which to imagine the democratic role and social responsibility that schools,
teachers, or pedagogy might assume for the world and the future they offer to young
people. Drew Gilpin Faust, the current president of Harvard University, is
right in insisting that “even as we as a nation have embraced education as
critical to economic growth and opportunity, we should remember that [public
schools], colleges and universities are about a great deal more than measurable
utility. Unlike perhaps any other institutions in the world, they embrace the
long view and nurture the kind of critical perspectives that look far beyond
the present.”
JMBT: There
is considerable criticism, which we share, of technocratic teacher development
that fails to recognize the individual processes for each student and
situation. This extends to critical thinking and is inclusive of education as a
human right. Are school texts edited by corporate enterprise promoting the
dissociation between teachers and the reality of society?
HG: In
authoritarian societies, control over the production, distribution, and
circulation is generally in the hands of the government, or what might be
termed traditional modes of political sovereignty. But in neoliberal societies, sovereignty is often in
the hands of major corporations that now have power over not only the
production of knowledge but also over the implementation of policies that bear
down on matters of life and death, living and surviving. In the U.S. major corporations have a
huge impact on what gets published, how it is distributed, and exercises an
enormous influence over what type of knowledge is legitimated. Conservatives, especially religious fundamentalists
also exercise an enormous influence over what text will be distributed in
schools and have a significant impact on corporate controlled book publishing
because if such texts are adopted for classroom use, there are enormous profits
to be made. The end result of this controlling regime of
finance capital and religious and conservative fundamentalism is an all-out
cleansing of critical thinking from most educational books now being used in
the schools, especially the public schools. Add to this the push for
standardized testing, standardized knowledge, and standardized texts and
teacher proof text books and it becomes clear that such books are also an
attack on the autonomy and creativity of teachers. In authoritarian societies
the logic of routine, conformity, and standardization eliminates the need for
critical thinking, historical analyses, and critical memory work. Dialogue
disappears from such texts and teachers are reduced to mere clerks teaching
what is misrepresented as objective facts.
JMBT: In your
opinion, has education been devalued in mass-media and the capitalist-culture?
HG: The role of
democratic education has been devalued in favor of a pedagogy of
commodification and repression. At the same time, education has been refigured
both ideologically and structurally. The educational force of the wider culture
is now the primary site where education takes place, what I have called public
pedagogy—modes of education largely produced, mediated, and circulated through
a range of educational spheres extending from the new media and old broadcast
media to films, newspapers, television programs, cable TV, cell phones, the
Internet, and other commercial sites. Ideologically,
the knowledge, values, identities, and social relations produced and legitimated
in these sites are driven by the imperatives of commodification, privatization,
consuming, and deregulation. At stake here is the creation of a
human being that views him or herself as a commodity, shopper, autonomous, and
largely free from any social obligations. This is a
human being without ethics, a concern for others, and indifferent to human
suffering. And the pedagogy that promotes these values and
produces this subject is authoritarian and ruthless in its production of savage
economic relations, a culture of cruelty, and its deformation of democratic
social bonds. One could say that capitalist culture has produced a predatory
culture of control and cruelty that promotes vast forms of suffering and
repression and it does this increasingly through cultural apparatuses that
promote widespread symbolic violence.
JMBT: And
finally, do you have any additional comments for our readers?
HG: I just want
to thank you for giving me an opportunity to speak to such an informed and
critical audience. Our struggles cannot be separated and we must
open up as many channels of communication as possible to talk, connect, and
share with each other our thoughts and strategies for change and social and
economic justice.
JMBT: Thank you very much Henry.
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